Monday, October 30, 2006

#65 Political Quizzes



There's only one week left till the 2006 midterm election. In the spirit of the season, I've taken a couple of different political quizzes with some interesting results. Basically, they both ask a few questions about where you stand on the issues and out pops what kind of political philosophy you have. The image at the top is the results of a quiz based on where you stand on the current election year issues and is at CNN: http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2006/special/issues/caucus/quiz.html


Two observations about the results: One, If you draw a line through my results in the image above, it makes a sort of oblong C-shape. On the CNN site you can see other people's comments, along with their graphs, and I hardly found anyone who has a graph with such a stretched C shape and no one with the dots in the exact same places as mine.


Secondly, I think it's very revealing when someone's dots end up straight up and down on either the right side or the left side. It leaves me wondering whether this person has ever thought for themselves or they just click on what looks most Democrat or most Republican. You can tell from their comments that the former is probably the case. Try the quiz out and compare your results with mine.


And here is the picture of the second quiz. This one is more based on general political philosophy. I have thought of myself as somewhat in the middle over the past few years and I think, as you can see by the red dot, this quiz confirms it. I am almost exactly in the middle. The way this one works is very interesting. The idea is the basically there are two types of issues: personal and economic issues. And there are two ways of dealing with these issues: government hands-on and government hands-off. Therefore, doing the math, there are four possible combinations.
The libertarian position is one where the government should take a hands-off approach toward both personal and economic issues. The populist position is the opposite extreme of this and says that the government should take a hands-on approach to both personal and economic issues. So these two philosophies take extreme positions when it comes to government intervention.
The conservative position is one where the government should take a hands-off approach when it comes to economic issues but a hands-on approach when it comes to personal issues. The liberal position is the inverse, where the government should take a hands-on approach when it comes to economic issues but a hands-off approach when it comes to personal issues. Compare your results with mine by going to the following link, clicking the radio button for "political philosophy" and then taking the quiz. http://www.speakout.com/VoteMatch/

Sunday, October 22, 2006

#64 Poverty's Structural Causes

Thanks for the comment on my last post Steve!

One thing that this Sachs book does well is give you a picture of how the cause of poverty is actually multi-faceted. It's no longer as easy as saying it all has to do with the free-market, or it all has to do with corruption, or it all has to do with work ethic. All those variables are pieces of the puzzle and I think sin plays a huge role and in fact underlies much of the other pieces of the puzzle.

Imagine if I asked you what the most important part of a car is. Is it the engine or the steering wheel? Is it the axles or the alternator? The idea here is that there is no most important part. All of these things in varying portions make up a car. This is similar to poverty. It is a comprehensive problem that must be attacked on all fronts.

I think it's important to distinguish structural causes from sinful causes. The corruption of third-world government leaders is sin. The greed of developed country leaders is sin. However, deforestation in Kenya, as its citizens have no access to alternative fuels, is a structural problem. Large cotton subsidies to American cotton farmers, that essentially amount to welfare and which artificially depress world market prices, are a structural problem.

I think we underestimate the poor. We think what they need is simply more charity from the church. However, we can continue to throw money at them and say "go and be filled" or we can work to fix these structural problems. And they are completely fixable, if we have the political will. A lot of Christians don't think that the government should be involved in fighting poverty. Granted, the government is not an efficient organization and is not who we need on the ground fighting poverty. But here's where the government does come in and in fact where only the government has authority to come in.

Only a government can make just laws that enable to poor to be competitive on the world market. Neither the church, nor corporations, nor nonprofits nor individuals can pass laws ending cotton subsidies to U.S. farmers for example. Only the government of the U.S. has the authority to do this. While the church can give a man a fish and teach men to fish, to use the old analogy, only the government can provide them access to the lakes stocked with the fish (the lakes being the world cotton market in this particular example.)

Hopefully, that makes my position on where sin comes into the equation a little clearer. While I think it underlies almost all the causes of poverty, I think it’s irresponsible and shows a lack of effort in research and care to just say charity is all we should be doing. Cotton subsidies are just one small example in a sea of unjust laws that can be changed by our government to help the poor rise onto the first rung of the ladder of development. And those laws are created and struck down by representatives that are elected by us in a government that is of the people, by the people and for the people.

I have learned what all the economists in the world will tell you, especially Jeffrey Sachs and 2001 Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz: Your vote on the first Tuesday in November every two years will do more to help the poor than your tens of thousands of dollars given to charity over the course of your lifetime. Do you truly want to give a man a hand up and not a hand out? Vote. The structural causes of poverty are larger than you ever imagined.

And to quickly respond to your comment about sin always being with us as well as poverty, I agree with both statements. However, though I think relative poverty will always be with us, I think with the proper political will, we absolutely can end extreme poverty, that is, those that live on less than $1 per day. We have an historic opportunity to truly be “the greatest generation” to borrow an expression used about our WWII-era grandparent’s generation. We have the technology, wealth, and most importantly vote to make the structural changes to set these people on their feet, running the race with the rest of us.

We can start by practicing what we preach by implementing free trade, through the abolishing of cotton subsidies. The Atlanta-Journal Constitution has just done a fantastic series on cotton subsidies. It is a four-part series describing the situation, the numbers, and the people both from the perspective of a Georgia (U.S.) cotton farmer and a Mali (African) cotton farmer, along with a great slideshow of the process comparing the two countries side by side. Don’t think for a minute that we can do nothing about this but tithe more and be more generous. There is more to sacrifice and charity than money. To think otherwise is to ignore the facts and to turn your back on a dying continent.

I can assure you that God sees both us and them. He has one eye on an Africa which is dying and crying out to him and one eye on the U.S. which is giving its ten percent or even giving 100 percent, but doesn’t have the time, motivation, or care to look into what is truly causing poverty and confront its own misunderstanding.

I certainly recommend, as I’ve said before, Jeffrey Sachs’ The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time. To get a better understanding of the structural causes of poverty here at home, read Jonathan Kozol’s book Amazing Grace: Lives of Children and the Conscience of a Nation. This is not an impassionate analysis but rather the author’s interactions with children and their families on the poor side of the tracks in New York City. It is made up of stories, conversations, and the occasional thoughts of the author. Poverty won’t mean the same thing to you after you’ve read this book. Finally, to see a practical example, that will piss you off and at the same time open your eyes and be quite fun to click around, check out the AJC article below:

Part I - How tax dollars prop up big growers

Part II - How growers double subsidy dollars

Part III - Farmers accused of 'scheme' wind up keeping millions

Part IV - As African farmers struggle, resentment toward U.S. grows

Side by Side Slideshow of West Africa and South Georgia Cotton Process

Monday, October 16, 2006

#63 The End of Poverty Review

I just finished a book that was as much a page-turner as it was an eye-opener: The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time by Jeffrey Sachs. If you pick up this book, you won’t be able to put it down. And after you’re done, you’ll never look at global poverty, history, and politics the same way again. When Sachs talks about ending poverty, he is specifically talking about ending extreme poverty, which he defines as the over 1 billion people who live on less than a dollar a day, by the year 2025. I came away from this book believing that it is entirely possible within our lifetimes.

Sachs is uniquely qualified to write such a book. Here is the book cover introduction, “Hailed by TIME as one of the world’s 100 most influential people, Jeffrey Sachs is world renowned for his work around the globe advising economies in crisis. He has advised a broad range of world leaders and international institutions on the challenges of hyperinflation, disease, post-communist transition, and extreme poverty.” He is now director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University and a leading advocate of debt relief and aid for developing countries.

The first two chapters take us on a tour of global poverty starting with the current situation followed by a brief history of development. Chapters 3 and 4 do away with the status quo and simplistic answers to why some economies fail to thrive, and give us a road map for diagnosing “sick” economies.

Chapters 5-10 are country specific chapters based on Sachs’ own experience working with government leaders and education as an economist. He served as an adviser to Bolivia’s government during the hyperinflation crisis of the mid-80s, Poland’s government as the budding democracy freed itself from Soviet rule, Russia’s government after the fall of the Soviet Union, China’s government as the fastest growing economy increasingly opens up to free-market reforms, and India’s government as it leads the world in an IT revolution. Thought the entire thrust of the book constantly directs the reader’s attention toward Africa, there is also a specific chapter dedicated to its unique problems and development.

The final chapters discuss the political situation in the U.S. in the wake of 9/11, the actual on the ground solutions and financing need to end extreme poverty, how the rich can afford to help the poor, common “myths and magic bullets” used to argue against aid, and a final philosophical challenge to our generation.

Three observations come to mind specifically that I either learned from the book or were solidified by it. First, letting democracy and free-market capitalism run their course is not sufficient. While this is a necessary ingredient, poverty is a multi-faceted problem that doesn’t have such a simple solution. Sachs does fine job describing how the poorest of the poor are not even on the ladder of development due to disease, lack of education, poor infrastructure, adverse climate conditions, and geopolitical issues. People at this lowest level (less than $1 per day) cannot begin to climb the ladder of development as they have no disposable income. They merely subsist.

Second, the solution to this is a comprehensive effort which addresses each of the obstacles to development. Opening up a market to free trade is not enough. Fixing the roads is not enough. Feeding the hungry is not enough. Providing security alone, providing education alone, or providing health care alone is not enough. In fact, even if we provide all of these at the same time, it may not be enough if we don’t provide it in sufficient quantity to lift them onto to the first rung of the development ladder. The idea is that once they are on this first rung, then they have the ability to climb on their own.

To take the analogy of giving someone a hand up, it is not enough to just grab someone’s hand and slightly tug (an illustration of small aid packages) or to just tug with our arm and not use our leg strength to lift (an illustration of just focusing on one aspect of the problem). As Sachs describes, what we need is the 21st century equivalent of The Marshall Plan.

Third, and speaking of The Marshall Plan, it is in the best interest of national security, our own economic development, and world peace that we take up this challenge. Poverty breeds failed states, and failed states breed terrorism. Take Afghanistan for example or look further back in history to the rise of Hitler, which was due, in part at least, to the demand of the victor nations of World War I of war reparations and debt repayment. This sent Europe into the economic depths and fueled hatred and ultimately World War II. Contrast this with our economic response after WWII, no reparations, no debts forgiven, and in fact an amount of aid greater than 1% of U.S. GDP. The Marshall Plan was one of the most successful foreign policy initiatives in the history of the U.S. and helped to contribute to a lasting peace in Europe through shared economic prosperity.

In addition to the main thesis, there are many juicy tidbits and valuable pieces of information throughout the book about topics as broad as the failures in U.S. development history, including the Clinton and Bush administrations, information on AIDS and Malaria, successful movements such as smallpox eradication, the civil rights movement, and the shaking off (“intifada” in Arabic, by the way) of the chains of colonial powers by Gandhi-led India and others.

There is also information about agriculture, technology that can be used to end poverty, the anti-globalization movement, practical economic theory, a fascinating inside look into Sachs’ work with government leaders on solving financial crisis, corruption, the industrial revolution, and positive steps we can take to lead the campaign.
What I’ve said above barely scratches the surface of value found in this book. All in all, Sachs message is not one of continued charity and throwing money at problems but rather justice and economic development through efficient aid and effective policies.

Tuesday, October 10, 2006

#62 N.T. Wright Tidbits

The following quotes are portions of an interview with N.T. Wright that can be found at gowerstreet.blogspot.com. This guys often says what I'm thinking but don't have the ability to articulate.

And you thought N.T. Wright was a relativist who was soft-pedaling on the issue of homosexuality. Au Contraire...

On the ethics of The New Perspective...

“Paul insists in some passages on the principle of what you could broadly call tolerance, tolerance of differences. Some people think you can eat meat, some people think you can’t eat meat, keeping special days, and so on. Romans 14, 1 Corinthians 8. On other points Paul is absolutely emphatic that there are rules for behavior and if you break those rules there are sanctions. He does not say ‘some of us think that committing incest is fine, others of us think it is wrong, so let not the one who does judge the one who doesn’t or whatever. It’s 1 Corinthians 5, he says ‘nope, the person living with his father’s second wife is just not on.’ And he says ultimately, if he’s impenitent, he must be sanctioned in terms of being put out of the community. In 2 Corinthians he talks about how to deal pastorally with the next stage in that, I take it, same situation. Now, under the old perspective, this always seemed a bit loose and floppy, because it looked like Paul was just choosing some ethical issues to go soft on and other ethical issues to go hard on. Whereas with the new perspective you can see very clearly that the issues he is saying you must not make an issue of breaking communion is an issue which will divide you on ethnic or cultural grounds, the eating of meat, the keeping of holy days. These are things which would keep Jews and Gentiles, or possibly other cultures, apart. And therefore you must work at living together across those boundaries. However, there are other things which are central to what it means to be the renewed human race. Paul’s whole vision is of being a renewed human race, and that includes sexual morality. And on those issues there is no room for saying ‘some of us think this, some of us think that.’ So that the new perspective actually gives us a whole new fresh angle on how to live together as God’s people.”

On food and sex...

“At the last Lambeth Conference, there were many, many black African bishops who came desperate to have Lambeth speak about the fact that their people were suffering desperately. They discovered all these rich white people who just wanted to talk about sex. Sex matters. But when you look at it like that, you ask ‘what’s wrong with this picture?’ Most of the world is desperate for food and justice. A small number of people in the world want more sex. You ask ‘excuse me? Can we just get the world the right way up again?’”


On the American church...

“But it is the bullying tone of voice which, in America, picks up extra speed from your official church-state separation, which is of course a joke because you church and your state are in fact intricately bound up together, it’s just that you don’t have a way of formalizing that. But it’s fascinating for me, having lived and worked in an established church for most of my life to hear the anti-established church rhetoric in America and to see that actually your church is far more established than ours is, in all sorts of de facto ways. It’s woven into American Culture.”

On the English church...

“Though he denies it, Rowan Williams is actually the real leader of the opposition at the moment, because the conservatives are so much at one with Tony Blair on the key issues that are facing the country at the moment, whether it is the war with Iraq, or how we handle Europe, or what have you. They’re not offering real analysis and critique of where our public life is going. And so there is a sense that the church has a prophetic voice and actually often has had a prophetic voice. Some of the greatest prophetic voices in England over the last hundred years, people like William Temple, have been at the heart of the established church, who regard being at the heart of the established church as being a commission to speak God’s word to the nation, even if it’s not what anyone else is saying. That’s part of what establishment actually always meant in the post-constantinian world. You see people in American use the word ‘Constantinian’ as a stick to beat Christendom. But in fact if you study the fifth and sixth centuries and so on, the settlement was deeply interesting and often ambiguous and often very fruitful and creative and was by no means the swallowing up of the church under imperialism. I sometimes suspect what is going on with Americans slagging off with Constantinian Christianity is actually a projection of the American problem onto the screen of history.”

On Barth...

“There is a danger with a certain kind of Barthianism which I run into often enough, which really does seem to be saying, and this is a caricature, but really does seem to run the risk of saying, that until you’ve taken your flying leap and landed in the charmed circle called faith, we have nothing to say to you and you have nothing to say to us. Unless everything you say flows directly from the fact of Jesus Christ, then its uninteresting and irrelevant. Whereas it seems to me that the whole point of who Jesus was, as the ultimate representative of God’s people, Israel was called to be God’s people for the world, and it was Israel’s failure to be God’s people for the world which resulted in God sending his son to be his people incarnate for the world, and therefore the church as the people of Jesus Christ exists precisely by doing business with the world. The question then is, what does that doing business with the world consist of? Does it consist only of saying that which the world is waiting to hear? Of course not. That’s where we have to go back to things like the Areopagus address, in Acts 17, where simultaneously Paul is saying look here you have an altar to the unknown God, let you tell you about this unknown God whom you ignorantly worship – you know, it send shivers down the Barthian spine with the very thought of that. But then in the very next breath, he says the god who made heaven and earth does not live in temples made with human hands. And what are we looking at from the Aeopagus? The Parthenon, the Temple of Nike, some of the greatest artworks in the Western World. And he’s saying, it’s all a waste of space. There is a willingness to find the points of contact, and then to do the explosive thing of saying ‘and actually two-thirds of your culture is radically idolatrous, and needs to be confronted and swept away. So real life is much more exciting than saying we need to retreat and do this in private. I can see that in America some people may need to say ‘a plague on your academic negativity. We’re going to tell the Christian story and you can go ahead and laugh at us if you like.’ There is a sort of cheerful holy boldness about that and that’s very much Stan Hauerwas’ style, as I understand it.”

On politics...

“The problem is – and this is very much at this modern/postmodern/postpostmodern interface – is that the political spectrum is assumed to be from left to right, where left is revolutionary anarchy, and right is status quo, and firm government, and so on. And that is simply the legacy of the French Revolution, and the 18th century. And if you look at Jewish political thought, if you look at early Christian political thought, it simply doesn’t acknowledge that spectrum. It says on the one hand ‘God is God and the powers-that-be are not God’ which sounds very revolutionary and subversive. But it says on the other hand that ‘God does want good government, because otherwise the bullies win.’ God wants his people to hold the powers of the world to account. The church has to be able to say this and recapture the Christian and Jewish political theology that was swept aside at the enlightenment and that most people don’t even know existed. That’s a really huge and enormous thing.”

On religion and politics...

“Of course, in America, it is easy for what would broadly be called liberal American Christians to see that this is happening in the right wing, because there are millions of deeply Republican Christians for whom Christianity really means, saluting the American flag, and America being raised up by God to do good around the rest of the world and have this Christian way of life and so on. So the walls between the Christian way of life and an American way of life are basically collapsed and they’re assumed to be the same thing, and so any criticism of one is perceived to be criticism of the other. It’s easy for liberal Christians to look at that and shudder, without realizing that there are ways in which liberal Christianity does exactly the same thing, baptizing certain elements of the prevailing culture, whatever it might be.”

On empire...

“Sure, Let me say first, we British had an empire upon which the sun never set. We have spent the last hundred years counting the cost and feeling the pain of this. I know Americans like to make their own mistakes and resent it when other people say ‘don’t do it as we did it.’ But I do want to say I do hope my dear, beloved American friends do not have to spend a hundred years counting the cost of their empire. The fact that it isn’t called an empire doesn’t mean that it isn’t; because, manifestly, the rest of the world knows that it is. I have often felt these last four years, that the rest of the world ought to vote in U.S. presidential elections because what you’re getting is someone whose policies will determine which way the wind is going to blow for the rest of us. These last two or three years have made that abundantly clear. I seem to recall some people shouting ‘no taxation without representation,’ 230 years ago, whatever it was, getting rid of George the 3rd, maybe the rest of the world is feeling that about George the 2nd at the moment.”

On culture...

“Yes, well, as I said about the Aeropagus speech, there is no one answer to this. Neibuhr explored those different ways of doing it, and it depends on the culture. In Athens, Paul saw some things in the culture, which he was able to ‘yes, fantastic, let’s go with that, and let’s build on that.’ And other things which he saw for which he said ‘nope, that’s wrong, that’s out of line, and here’s why.’”

On the creation/evolution debate...

“So much of contemporary culture is not a specifically Christian product, but the product of Western enlightenment economic imperialism, often – and this is a hugely ironic point, which I wish I could find a sloganized way of putting it up on the wall – in America at the moment, you still have this hassle about Darwin, about whether you believe in Darwin or not, and I want to say ‘there are serious problems with Darwin,’ (you should look at Wittgenstein’s critique of Darwin, very interesting). But often in America, the very same people who want to rubbish Darwin and go back to a creationism, are themselves totally soaked in the social Darwinism which says that the economic and political modus operandi of the Western world since the eighteenth century has got the right to develop and do its own thing, because might is right, and because we have developed this way and therefore we can get on and do it. This is the philosophy of Malthus, actually, to whom Darwin was deeply indebted. Darwin was soaked in Malthus’s stuff long before he ever got in a boat and went looking at turtles and finches. It’s very ironic that a lot of right wing America is implicitly, absolutely solidly social Darwinist. Even while rejecting Darwin on creation. I think this needs to be explored in a lot more detail.”

On “the conversation”...
“It is these issues which need to be teased out, and precisely because the church must engage with where the culture has been and still is, these things need to be smoked out, put on the table, and we need to be able to have a conversation about them without people simply saying ‘rubbish! That just fundamentalism!’ on the one hand, and ‘rubbish! That’s just silly liberalism!’ on the other.”

Sunday, October 08, 2006

#61 An Amish in Paradise

Here is the story of Marian Fisher who this past week took her place under the altar alongside the souls of those who had been slain because of the word of God and the testimony they had maintained. (Revelation 6:9)

No theologian’s words, historian’s research, or church council has ever come closer to understanding the message of Jesus than this little child did. (Mark 10:14)

No presidential cabinet, Nobel Prize winner, or military force can ever come as close to understanding the things that make for peace as she did. (Luke 19:24)

No purpose driven church, prosperity gospel preacher, or homeland security expert will ever come closer to grasping the significance of a grain of wheat that falls into the earth than did this little girl. (John 12:24)

No bloated military budget, economic sanctions, or multi-nation coalition will ever come close to wielding the power that Marian Fisher grasped that day. (I Corinthians 1:27)

The highest wisdom through the simplest faith.

Gaining life by laying it down.

Riches by giving up everything.

It is to those who are childlike that the kingdom of heaven belongs.